The stories of the adult immigrant learners in our research show the varied starting points, paths, and purposes for adult immigrant language learning. This reaffirms previous research on identity and language learning (Norton & Toohey, 2002) and, importantly, is restated and displayed by the learners' own voices (see discussion of the 'Learner Portraits' website below) in interviews and in the context of formal learning in classrooms.

The portraits of the immigrant-learners whose learning and living has been outlined here show the complexity involved in assessing competence and success in the language of instruction - English in this case. We started from the knowledge that as adults, these immigrants to the U.S. and learners of English have various goals for attending English language classes and for learning and using English. This short excerpt from two students expanding on their language-learning task in the classroom illustrates how different students may have very different goals and learning styles.

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Recently arrived students who are struggling to learn English and fit in to the English-speaking part of U.S. society express great surprise when they meet classmates who have been in the U.S. for many years and who are taking English classes. In Lana's case, she never had a great need to speak English. Other students had to work - either inside or outside the home - upon arrival in the U.S. and began a systematic study of English only after they retired. And for those students working outside the home, their language of communication at the workplace was often not English.

For many immigrant-learners in the study, instrumental motivations (work, financial gain, higher education) strongly influenced their language learning. For others, however, instrumental motivation was not a factor in learning English. Fuquin and Liang reported just wanting to 'give back' something in terms of interpersonal contact. In theses cases, knowing just enough English to make basic interpersonal connections with other people seemed to be a matter of dignity or basic self-respect. In Liang's case, she reported not being able to offer a fellow senior citizen and peer exercising at the park a basic greeting or response to 'hello, I haven't seen you for a long time' and said that she felt very impolite at that moment and regretted it very much.

The figures below are an attempt to graphically illustrate similarities and differences regarding immigrant-learners' starting points, trajectories, and paths for learning and living English. In figure 1, Liang, Jing, and Valerio are grouped together because of their similar reasons for immigrating to the U.S.

While Liang and Jing both began their English language study in the U.S. and at an advanced age, they have different levels of formal education in their home countries and different employment histories. Jing and Valerio have more similar educational backgrounds and work histories but differ in age. Valerio had two children to support financially, and so had a strong motivation to learn English for his career. Jing had no dependents but had a strong internal motivation to learn English for the sake of learning itself and to be what he considered a productive member of society. Jing and Valerio progressed through the ESL program to the highest proficiency level at the community college (level D) while Liang remained in the lowest level class (A).

In figure 2, the starting points and learning and settlement trajectories of three learners who came to the U.S. for religious or political reasons are compared.

In each case, the learners had a high level of education in their home countries. Each also had a career. Larissa stands out in this group of three learners for several reasons. First, while she worked as an engineer and supervisor to 40 people in a factory in Russia, in the U.S. her primary work responsibility has been as a caretaker for her children. In part, it was due her lack of English language proficiency together with her family that led to her current continued work as a caretaker for her children. She reported that she had never imagined herself without a job outside the home and that her colleagues and friends in Russia would be surprised that she is not working. Second, while she made progress as a language learner, her progress was notably slower than that of Jorge or Imanuel. Due to her career trajectory, Larissa did not see the immediacy of more advanced proficiency in English for work or career. She commented on how her husband's English was quite good due to fact that he works full time in a company where everyone speaks English.

With fairly well-articulated career paths and without the responsibility for childcare, Jorge and Imanuel focused on language learning and its role in establishing their careers in the U.S. Jorge expressed the wish to attend a university in the U.S. and to work in a research lab. Imanuel hoped to work as a mechanic again and made efforts toward getting into a training program for car mechanics.